Web
and Book design, |
Click
Here to return to |
II
HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING THE HOUSE JAMES CLAYPOOLE
WANTED — DEALING WITH CAVE HOUSES THAT
BECAME PUBLIC NUISANCES — THE GOODS PAID FOR THREE HUNDRED SQUARE MILES OF LAND
— PIONEER HARDSHIPS-A THIEF AND A CROWDED HOUSE — THE LUXURY OF WINDOW PANES —
WHAT WAS BOUGHT AT THE VENDUE — DINNER-GIVING AND DINNER MANNERS — THE WOES OF
HOUSECLEANING.
“HEE arriving in health in ye
Country I expect he should entr upon my land, where ye first Citty is intended
to be built. And there with the advise of Wm. Penn Doctr Moor Tho: Holmes Ralph
Withers and thyselfe: I would have him to begin to build a house that may
receive us.” So ran the message sent in 1682 by
James Claypoole to John Goodson concerning Edward Cole, a workman who was about
to sail from England to America in Goodson’s company. Claypoole, who was one of
the wealthiest of the early emigrants, did not propose to reach the new country
until a comfortable house had been provided for him. Cole was an indentured servant,
bound to Claypoole for four years. His master described him as “an honest man,”
and said he was sent “to build me a slight house and plant an orchard and clear
some ground with the help of a Carpentr that is going with another friend.” He
was not only a brick-maker, but he was skilled “in planting and husbandrie, an
industrious solid man about 57 yeares old, and one called a Quaker.” As to his
own plans, Claypoole wrote, “If it pleases ye lord wee arrive there in the 2d
or 3d month next.” Then he went on to discuss details of the house he desired:
“If it be but a sleight house like a barne with one floor of two Chambers: and
will hold us and our goods and keep us from ye sun & weathr it may suffice;
I would also have some trees planted at ye right season for an orchard between
the trees growinge wch may be either Lowp’d or sawed of near ye toppe or roots
as is most advisable: but for Grubbing up, I think that may be left till I com
with more help: I need not name the fruite trees but I would have all such
sorts as or neghbours here do plant. But principally I would have him look out
for Earth to make Bricks and prepare as much as he cann in ye Most convenient
place to work upon in Spring . . . . I would have a sellar undr ye house if it
may bee.” Later in the letter is a passage
which was characteristic of the day: “Truly My desire is yt we may all
have an Eye to ye Lord in all or undertakings who is the great provider for all
and ye preserver of all; that we may soe live in his fear yt we may honnr his
Name and truth and in our whole conversation answr his wittness in all people
so shall righteousness establish our Nation, and our habitations be in peace
and safety even in Jerusalem, that is a quiet habitation . . . ” That nothing was left undone to
provide for the comfort of his family when he should reach the new town of
Philadelphia is evident again from a letter sent by Claypoole to his brother in
Barbadoes. In this he asked for “2 good stout negroe men, such as are like to
be plyable and good natured: and ingenious: I question not but thou knowes
better than I doe wch may be fittest for me. and I hope thou wilt be so kind as
to lett me have those wch are good likely men: for some I hear are so ill
natured and surrly, that a man had better keep a Bear, and some again so
ingenious dilligt and good natured that they are a great comfort and Benefitt
to a man and his family: And my family is great and I have 3 young children: so
that it may be prejudiciall to me to have bad negroes: I would also have a boy
and a girle to serve in my house I would not have either of them undr 10 years
or above 20.” With the brickmaker, there went to
Philadelphia for Claypoole’s house “Ironmongers ware: tools for workinge and
some materialls towards ye building of a house.” These goods were probably landed at
“that low Sandy Beach since called the Blue Anchor,” for this was from the
beginning the accepted landing place for all the goods and chattels of the
colonists when they left the vessels on which they made their weary passage
from England. A court document recorded in 1753 said, “Persons have ever since
used it as a Common Free Landing for Stores, Loggs, Hay and all such kind of
Lumber and other Goods which can no way be with like ease or safety brought and
landed to any other Wharf and place in the City.” It was close to this free landing
place that the first house in Philadelphia was built, and it was not far from
here that Cole was asked to build Claypoole’s house, concerning which the
following specific directions were sent to the brickmaker: “I would willingly have a cell undr
ye house for I shall bring wines and other liquors yt the heat may otherwise
spoyle . . . write what things is most wanted for my concernes there, and what
kind of land my Lott is, and how it lyes as to ye River &c and what watr
and trees and all things needful to be known when thou hast got a hovell to
keep thee safe, and provition without much charg for food, thou wert best buy a
Cow and a Sow or two for breed, but in all things get good advise.” By “2 . 10 mo . 1683” the Claypoole
“great” family including his “3 young Children” had been for two months snugly
placed in the house for which so many plans had been made. Concerning it he
wrote on that day to his brother in Barbadoes: “I found my servant had builded me a
house like a barne without a Chimney 40 foot long and 20 broad, with a good dry
Cellar under it which proved an extraordinary conveniency for securing our
goods and lodging my family, Although it Stood me in very dear, for he had run
me up for dyat — & work — near 60 lb. Sturling which I am paying as moray .
to this I built a kitchen of 20 foot squar where I am to have a double Chimney
wch I hope will be up in 8 or 12 days.” In a later letter he said: “My lott proves to be one of the
best in the Town, having 102 foot to the River & 396 long and abt 1
1/4-acre in the high street, there is a swamp runs by the side of my lott, that
with a small charge might be made navigable, and a brave harbour for sloops and
small ships.” It is likely that until the house
was enlarged the household goods brought by Claypoole from England could not be
accommodated. Most of the emigrants had a much more modest equipment than his.
Probably the average array of furnishings and tools was more like that
carefully set down by friends of a traveler who died at sea, as indicated
below: “A True Inventory of the goods and
Chattels of George Chandler who Deceased the xiii Day of December 1687, in his
passage to pensilvania. Taken and Apprized by us Whose Names are here
underwritten The xth Day of the Seaventh mo’ 1688. “First his wearing apparrell; one
feather bed & two bolsters, 2 blankots, 1 Coverled, 1 par of Sheets; other
beds & Bedding; Pewter, Brass, tools & other Ironware; Nayles, Saws,
Aug’rs, Chissells, Gouges, wedges, Locks, Keys, Riphooks, and all other Iron
Lumber; 2 gunns & powder & shot & powder Horne; 2 Chests & five
Boxes and 2 bedsteds; one Barrell, 1 pare of Bellows, 4 Kevers, 1 Doe trough, 2
pailes, 10 bottles, and all other Lumber; a Sow & 9 piggs, 4 yards &
half of Sarge; 1 Ell of holland or Scotch cloth, threed, pins & tapes.” Many of the first colonists were
compelled to put up with rude cave houses, built in the sloping ground above
the Delaware. These could not have been very different from the sod houses on
the prairies or the potato cellars still to be found on many farms. A bank
formed the back of the house, while timbers were driven into the ground for the
sides and the front. Earth was heaped against the side timbers, a door and a
window or two were cut, and a roof of timbers covered with earth completed the
whole. The window aperture contained a sliding board which, when closed, shut
out some of the cold as well as the light. Sometimes a bladder or isinglass was
stretched across. Those who were able to display a small paned window were
proud of the achievement and were looked on with envy by their neighbors. A letter written in 1708 to Hugh
Jones of Bala, Wales, by John Jones, told of conditions as they were in 1682
when the first of the cave houses were in use. He said: “By this time there was a kind of
neighborhood here, although as neighbors they could little benefit each other.
They were sometimes employed in making huts beneath some cliff, or under the
hollow banks of rivulets, thus sheltering themselves where their fancy
dictated. There were neither cows nor horses to be had at any price. ‘If we
have bread, we will drink water and be content,’ they said; yet no one was in
want, and all were much attached to each other; indeed much more so, perhaps,
than many who have every outward comfort this world can afford. “During this eventful period our
governor began to build mansion houses at different intervals, to the distance
of fifty miles from the city, although the country appeared a complete
wilderness. “There was, by this time no land to
be bought within twelve miles of the city, and my father having purchased a
small tract of land married the widow of Thomas Llwyd of Penmaen. He now went
to live near the woods. It was now a very rare but pleasing thing to hear a
neighbor’s cock crow.” The crowding of cave houses along
the water front of the city was not in accordance with William Penn’s plan. In
laying out his checkerboard city he made known his purpose to reserve “the top
of the bank as a common exchange, or walk.” He did allow some to build stores
here, if they were not raised higher than four feet above the bank. For a time
he succeeded fairly well in keeping open the view of the river for those who
walked where the ground began to slope toward the water. Many of the cave houses near the
river soon became a nuisance, and the Grand Jury found it necessary to deal
summarily with the owners. The records of that body for “2d 4th Mo 1686”
include the following Presentments: “We present the encroachments on the
King’s highway following, viz: of John Swift’s shop on ye end of Mulberrie
street neer the delaware river, of Ye widow Blinston’s house being an
encroachment standing upon Chestnut street neer delaware. The porch of Richard
Orme encroaching on ye third street. John Markome for setting his house or cave
encroaching upon delaware front street and John Moone for encroaching on ye
front street by setting his palins upon ye same.” On another occasion the Grand Jury
took similar action: “We present Joseph Knight for
Suffering drunkenness & evill orders in his Cave.” “All caves by the water side as unfit
for houses of entertainment or drinking houses A great grievance & an
occasion to forestall the Mercat.” Later it was ordered that, “in
presence of the Governor’s letter read in Court, ye high & pettie constable,
high & undersheriffs, do forthwith view what emptie Caves doe stand in the
King’s highway, in delaware front street (which way or street is sixty feet
wide) and that they forthwith pull down & demolish all emptie caves as they
shall find have encroached upon ye said street, in part or in all, and they
shall secure what odd goods they therein find for ye owners. One owner thereupon asked for “a
month’s time to pull down his cave in ye middle of ye street,” and the court
“granted him a mo. time to pull it down & ordered him to fill up the hole
in ye strete.” But the day came when Penn’s
well-laid plans to keep open the view of the river came to nothing. When he was
absent in England, a petition was presented to the Commissioner of Property by
a number of merchants and landowners who wished to build much higher than the
prescribed four feet above the bank, though they promised that they would leave
“thirty feet of ground for a cartway under and above the said bank forever.”
The Commissioner further stipulated that, when necessary, they should “wharf
out,” in order to preserve the proper breadth, and that those who wished to
have steps up into their houses should “leave convenient room to make the same
upon their own ground.” Between two adjoining streets “there was to be left at
least ten feet of ground for a public stairs, clear of all building over the
same.” So it was not long until the whole
bank was built up, and “not a house as far as Pine Street” had a single foot of
yard room. Before Penn’s departure for England
he wrote that “the city of Philadelphia now extends in length from River to
River two miles and in breadth near a Mile,” then he proudly added that it was
“Modelled between two Rivers upon a neck of Land and that Ships May ride in
Good Anchorage in 6 or 8 fathom Water in Both, close to the City level dry and
wholesome, such a Situation is scarce to be paralleled.” All this land Penn bought from the
Indians as well as from former settlers. His method of payment to the original
owners may be seen from a deed recorded in 1697: “We Taminy Sachimack and Weheeland,
my brother, and Wehequeekhon, alias Andrew, who is to be king after my death,
Yaquekhon alias Nicholas, and Quenamequid alias Charles my sons for us our
heirs and successors grant . . . land between Pemmepack and Neshaminy extending
to the length of the River Delaware so far as a horse can travel in two summer
days, and to carry its breadth according to the several course of the two said
creeks, and when the said creeks do branch, that the main branches granted
shall stretch forth upon a drrect course on each side and to carry on the full
breadth to the extent of the length thereof.” The consideration for the transfer
of this land — about three hundred square miles in all — was made up of the
following items: “5 p. Stockings, 20 Barrs Lead, 10
Tobacco Boxes, 6 Coates, 2 Guns, 8 Shirts, 2 Kettles, 12 Awles, 10 Tobacco
Tongs, 6 Axes, 4 yds. Stroud-Water, 100 Needles, 5 Hatts, 25 lbs. powder, 1
Peck Pipes, 28 yards Duffills, 16 Knives, 10 pr Scissors, 2 Blankets, 20
Handfulls of Wampum, 10 Glasses, 5 Capps, 15 Combs, 5 Hoes, 9 Gimbletts, 20
Fishhooks, 7 half Gills, 4 Handfull Bells.” In the light of this bargain the
Proprietor’s statement concerning the Indians, written in August, 1683, is
full of interest: “I find them a people rude, to
Europeans, in dress, gestures, and food; but of a deep natural sagacity. Say
little, but what they speak is fervent and elegant, if they please, close to
the point, and can be as evasive.
Gradually the colonists made
themselves comfortable on lands to which the Indians had been persuaded to
yield their claims, free from the periodical alarms of Indian raids that
distressed the pioneers in other parts of the country because the original
owners of the soil had not been treated as Penn treated his dusky neighbors.
And it was well that they were freed from such anxieties, for they had enough
of those that were inevitable. A glimpse of the burdens that were cheerfully
borne for the sake of a home where some day there would be plenty was given by
Ann Warder in her diary. Once in 1787 she recorded talking with a friend “who
related what Friends’ situation was in the first settlement of their country;
when the men and women toiled together to clear the land, without being able to
procure what we esteem the common necessaries of life. One day a worthy woman
returning from her labor to provide something for her own and companions’
dinner, and remembering that she had not nor could obtain nothing but very
ordinary bread sat down and wept. A favorite cat came to her repeatedly which
induced her to follow her into the woods, where she found that the animal had
killed a fine fat rabbit, on which all dined.” Pictures of the life in a humble
home where father and mother and children lived in loving fellowship are to be
secured by the sympathetic reading of the brief but eloquent records in the
family Bible of Samuel Powell, the first, who died in 1756. The Bible was
printed in 1683. Samuel Powell’s wife was Abigail,
the daughter of Benjamin Willcox of Philadelphia. The entries were as follows: “Samel Powell & Abigail his wife were married the 19th day of the 12th Month 1700 in Philadelphia. “Anne Powell the Daughter of ye s’d Samel & Abigail was Born the 10th day of the 2d Month 1702. “Samel Powell the Sonn of ye s’d Samel & Abigail was Born the 26th day of ye 12th Month 1704. “Deborah Powell the Daughter of s’d Samel &
Abigail Powell was born the 24th day of the 8th Month 1706 in the house of my
Aunt Ann Parsons. “Anne Powell the Second of yt name
was born the 24th day of ye 8th Mo 1708. “Anne Powell the first of yt name
departed this Life ye 10th day of ye 10th Mo 1707. “Ann Parsons departed this Life ye
24th ye 6 Mo 1712. “Sarah Powell ye Daughter of Samuel & Abigail Powell was born ye 29 of ye 4th Mo 1713. “My Dear Wife Abigail Powell
Departed this Life ye 4th day of ye 7th Mo 1713.
“Ann Powell ye Second of ye Name
Departed this Life ye 26th day of ye 8th Mo 1714.” The fashion of the houses built by
such settlers as those whose humble annals were set down in this family Bible
was indicated by Robert Turner in his letter to William Penn, which the
Proprietor quotes in “A Further Account of the Province of Pennsylvania.” In
this letter, which was dated August, 1685, he said: “Now as to the Town of Philadelphia
it goeth on in Planting and Building to admiration, both in the front &
backward, and there are about 600 Houses in 3 years time. And since I built my
Brick House, the foundation of which was laid at thy going, which I did design
after a good manner to incourage others, and that from building with Wood, it
being the first, many take example, and some that built Wooden Houses, are
sorry for it: Brick Building is said to be as cheap. Brick are exceeding good,
and better than when I built “I am Building another Brick house
by mine, which is three large Stories high, besides a large Brick cellar under
it, of two Bricks and a half thickness in the wall, and the next story half
under Ground, the cellar hath an Arched Door for a Vault to go [under the
Street] to the River, and so to bring in goods, or deliver out. Humphrey
Murray, from New York, has built a large Timber house, with Brick Chimnies.
John Test has also finished a good Brick House, and a Bake House of Timber.
John Day a good house, after the London fashion, most Brick, with a large frame
of Wood, in the front, for Shop Windows; all these have Belconies, Lots are
much desir’d in the town, great buying one of another.” A full description of a brick house
of the period (1690) is given in the biography of Christopher White. Though
this house was built in New Jersey, the description would well serve for some
of the early brick houses of Philadelphia: “The main building was thirty feet
by twenty feet, two stories high; the stories were nine feet in height. at the
east end of the house was a wing ten feet square in the form of a tower, in
that was the stairway leading to the second story and garret. There were
overshoots that projected from the eaves of the roof about four feet in middle
and extended around the gable ends of the house, which at a distance gave the
appearance of having a tower at each corner. The cellar was only three feet
under ground. It was paved with pressed brick six inches square, made of the
finest clay. The walls from the foundations up to the windows of the first
story were eighteen inches in thickness; above they were thirteen inches thick.
Six stone steps, six feet in length and one foot in thickness, led up to the
main entrance of the building. Two white-oak ties eighteen inches square supported
the joist of the floors. The timbers were of white oak, the floor boards of
yellow pine clear of sap and knots, eighteen inches in width and one and one
half inch in thickness. The partitions and doors were made of heart yellow
pine. There were two rooms on the first floor and three on the second floor;
the garret was not plastered. There was one chimney in the main building near
its centre, the fireplace in the hall or parlor was eight feet in length, the
breast-plate of chimney being of heart yellow pine and full of carvings. There
were five windows in the front of the house two in the lower story and three in
the upper; also two windows in the gable ends of each story. The kitchen part
stood on the east side of the main building. It was of brick, one story high;
its ceiling was ten feet in height. The yard around the house was paved with
sqaure bricks similar to those in the cellar floor.” In the first chapter of this volume
the story is told of William Hudson, the emigrant who came to Philadelphia
bearing his father’s permission to marry. Probably at once after his marriage,
in 1688, he erected the house to which he led his wife and in which he spent
the rest of his life. Thomas Allen Glenn has described the house in the
following clear fashion: “It stood on a large lot of ground
facing the southeast corner of Third and Chestnut streets. It was built of red
and black glazed brick, and was three stories high, having a sloping roof. A
brick portico extended from the front entrance . . . The house was surrounded
by a paved courtyard, shut in from the street by a high wall, there being a
coachway on Third street and another entrance gate on Chestnut street. The
place was shaded by several old trees, and a charming view of the Delaware
could be obtained from the garden sloping away on the southeast towards Dock
Creek. The stable and servants quarters were built in the rear of the
courtyard. This typical colonial dwelling contained on the first floor the
hall room, ‘dining room, Great Kitchen, and Outer Kitchen.’ On the second floor
the ‘great chamber’ and two other large rooms, besides smaller ones. The third
floor is described simply as ‘the Garrett,’ and probably consisted of but one
apartment. “The furniture was in keeping with
the best style of the time; black walnut was the principal wood used, with an
occasional oak or mahogany piece. There were two tall clocks, one in the hall
room and one in the dining room. One of these old timepieces, said to have been
purchased by Hudson’s father at a sale in London . . . is now in the
Philadelphia Library.” In many of these houses the old
half-door was a cherished institution. The beauty and convenience of such a
door can be appreciated by one who reads Townsend Ward’s description: “Quaint
it was, but how appropriate for a single minded, hearty people among whom no
depredation was ever known, until there came upon them the evil days of single
doors and locks and bolts. . . While the lower half of the door was closed no
quadruped could enter the dwelling house, but the refreshing air of heaven
could, while the rest it afforded a leisure loving people was most agreeable.”
How many pleasant hours were spent by the householders at such half opened
doors, talking with a neighbor, or with a passer-by ! . . . Perhaps it was because so little was
feared from thieves that the first settlers were careless about securing their
property. Sometimes this confidence was not justified, as in the case of one
who, in 1686, complained to the Court that a man had climbed to his roof,
displaced a loose board, and dropped to the garret bedroom where three members
of the family were sleeping in one bed. In the pioneer homes there was
frequently necessity for such crowding. Probably many early Philadelphians
could duplicate the description of the makeshifts humorously described by a
later pioneer hundreds of miles away: “It remained to sub-divide two
hundred and eighty nine square feet of internal cabin into all the apartments
of a commodious mansion . . . And first, the puncheoned area was separated
into two grand parts, by an honest Scotch carpet hung over a stout pole that
ran across with ends rested on the opposite wall plates; the woollen portion
having two-thirds of the space on one side and the remaining third on the
other. “Secondly, the larger space was then
itself subdivided by other carpets . . . into chambers, each containing one bed
and twelve nominal inches to fix and unfix in; while trunks, boxes and the like
plunder were stationed under the bed. Articles intended by nature to be hung,
frocks, hats, coats, &c, were pendent from hooks and pegs of wood inserted
into the wall. To move or turn around in such a chamber without mischief done
or got was difficult; and yet we came at last to the skill of a conjuror that can
dance blindfolded among eggs — we could in the day without light and at night
in double darkness, get along and without displacing, knocking down, kicking
over, or tearing! “The chambers were, one for Uncle
John and his nephew; one for the widow ladies and Miss Emily, who, being the
pet, nestled at night in a trundle bed, partly under the large one; and one
very small room for the help, which was separated from the Mistress’ chamber by
pendulous petticoats. Our apprentices slept in an out-house. These chambers
were all south of the grand hall of eighteen inches wide between the suites; on
the north, being first our room and next it the strangers’ — a room into which
at a pinch were several times packed three guests. Beyond the hospitality
chamber was the toilette room, fitted with glasses, combs, hair brushes,
&c., and after our arrival, furnished with the first glass window in that
part . . . The window was of domestic manufacture, being one fixed sash
containing four panes, each eight by ten’s, by whose light in warm weather we
could not only fix but also read in retirement.” Gradually larger houses took their
place by the side of more humble neighbors. In these were single rooms, many of
them as large as the one entire house of the first settlers. And what striking
improvements the builders of the larger houses insisted on introducing! Large
paned windows were long considered a wonderful luxury, and many builders awed
the observers by the use of these daylight savers. Governor John Penn’s use of
such windows led his sister-in-law to write: “Happy the man, in such a treasure,
Whose greatest panes afford him pleasure.” The number of houses erected, both
large and small, was so great that in 1712 Rev. Abel Morgan wrote to his former
congregation at Blaenegwent, Wales: “I am surprised to see the extent of
the city in so short a time. It is about a mile long and of medium width with
wide streets and high and beautiful buildings. The inhabitants are numerous;
ships ladened lie at the side of the town. There is a Court here, and the
wagons continually are going with flour and wheat to the ships. The Country is
exceedingly level as far as I have seen for about sixty miles; mostly good
ground without much stone, so that a man may ride a hundred miles without a shoe
under his horse. There is an orchard by every house of various fruits, very productive,
they say.” Twenty-nine years after Mr. Morgan
wrote this wondering letter, Count Zinzendorf visited the city. During a part
of his residence he lived in a house on the east side of Second street, a few
doors north of Race street. This house was “built of brick, alternate red- and
black-headers, three stories high, with pitch roof and dormer windows, with ten
rooms, and kitchen and laundry detached in the rear. Glass ‘bulls-eyes’ in the
front door and half moons in the window shutters afforded light to entry and
rooms.” During the same year Colonel James Coultas built for his family a stone house that is still one of the marvels of West Philadelphia, on a lane leading from the road to Darby to the road to West Chester. To this he added a wing in 1754. The mansion, which became known as Whitby Hall, appears to-day much as it did when first built, for the alterations made in 1754 and 1819 were so harmoniously contrived that it is difficult to tell the old part from the new.
The women who were at the head of
old Philadelphia homes were usually good housewives, whether they presided
over a little brick tenement like that in Mulberry street which Ann Newall
entered in 1745, and for which she paid four pounds per year, or over such a
house as that Ann Warder described in 1788 as “exceedingly convenient, though
larger than I wished, it having four rooms on a floor — Kitchen, counting house
and two parlors on the first floor, eight bedrooms and two garrets. Many handy
closets. A small yard and beyond it another with grass plot, good stable and
chaise house.” For in that day more attention was
paid to educating a girl in housework and home-making than in the studies of
the schools. It was considered of greater value that she should know how to
spin, knit, sew and cook than that she should be familiar with literature or be
able to scan a line of Latin verse. The average mother took great pride in
having her floors spotless, in making the clothing for her children as well as
for her husband, and in collecting china, brass, pewter, or possibly silver for
her pantry shelves. In many homes silver was unknown.
Even some of the wealthier colonists had only a few pieces, though what they
had was apt to be handsome. An interesting glimpse of the silver in the home of
Thomas Penn is afforded by a study of the inventory of the pieces he planned to
send to England in 1763. These were: “1 pair of low candlesticks for a writing table, 1 pair of small
do, 2 old Square salts with my Crest, a silver pig tail box, a silver beaker, a
small nutmeg grater, a silver peak for a saddle, 1 large Sauce pan, 1 small do, 1 Gilt Challice, 4 Table
Spoons with my Crest, 2 large do, marked T. P., 1 Teapot, 1 silver plate.” But while not so much silver was
found on the pantry shelves, the metal was used for many other purposes. On the
day book of a silversmith between 1745 and 1748 appeared charges for silverware
that included such items as “14 silver buttons, 1 pair shoe buckels, garter
buckels, knee buckels, a ring to be made with the posey, ‘I pray love well and ever
Not the gift, but the giver,’ double jointed tea-tongs, silver
seal, topping thimble, shovels for salts, spur, hoop and chain, locket and
bells.” The ordinary kitchen was apt to
contain some such modest supply of furnishings as that sold in 1760 to Thomas
Potts, owner of the house in which Washington later made his headquarters at
Valley Forge: “A large copper sauce pann, 15
shillings; a small do, 8 shillings; a pair Brass Candlesticks, 15 shillings; a
pair Rose Blanketts, 46 shillings; 6 china bowls, 23 shillings 6 pence; a pr.
of Snuffers, 2 shillings 6 pence; a Brush, 2 shillings 9 pence; a pr. Iron
Candlesticks, 2 shillings; 2 China bowles, 5 shillings; 3 Saucers, shillings 3
pence; a Looking Glass, 54 shillings; a dozen Knives and Forks, 7 shillings; 6
yards of Draper, 11 shillings; a Blankett, 14 shillings; 6 pewter Dishes, 52
shillings; a dozen Plates, 32 shillings; 6 hardmettle porringers, 15 shillings;
a dozen spoons, 6 shillings; a trunck, 18 shillings; a Cotton Counterpane, 57
shillings; 1/2 dozen Chairs, 40 shillings; 3 galls. of Spirit, 22 shillings; 3
silver spoons, 66 shillings 10 pence; a Bedsted 40 shillings; Fire shovel and
Tongs, 10 shillings.” In 1771, at a Philadelphia home,
there was a vendue of household furnishings when bidders carried away: “1 Wine cask, 1 Tub and Old Barrel,
Wheel Firkin and Chair; Rake & pitch Fork; Real and Winding Blades; Neck
Yok & Strap; Hay Knife and Weeding Hoe; Saw and Horse, Side Saddle & 2
Trusels, Rabbit Box; Bed Cornish &c; Parcel Wooden Ware & Mouse Traps;
1 Horse Brush, 2 Brass Candlesticks, 2 Iron Spits, pair Tobacco Tongs, High
Walnut Corner Cupboard, Large Copper Fish Kettle, half dozen Walnut Chairs with
Damisk Bottoms, a Bald Faced Bay Horse, Black Cow with White Belly, Shagreen
case with Knives & Forks; Eight-Day Clock; pair of Hand Bellows Brass
Nozel; 10 Hard Mettle Plates; Mahogeny Server; 2 pair Snuffers & Callander
& Toaster; Old Tin Lanthorne; 1 pair of double flint Beer Glasses; 1 Doz.
Large & 1/2 Doz. small Patterpans; a Draw & Parcel Galley Pots; a Large
Lignum Whity Morter and pestel; Warmg Pan with Copper Bottom; Jack & Gears;
Old Fashion High Case Draws; Curled Maple Case of High Draws; 1 pr old
Blankets, 1 pr Homespun Ditto; 1 Dieper Table Cloth; 1 Ditto Homespun; 16
Bottles of Beer; 3 Gall Kag of Grape Wine; 5 Gall Ditto of White Currant Wine;
10 Gall Kag of Prick’t Wine; 2 Brass Sconsances; 1 pr Saddle Bags; 1 pr Fire
Buckets, tin Jack or Mug; 1 Hard Mettle pot; 1 Lead Tobacco Box; 2 N. England
Leather Bottom Chairs; 1 pr Gold Seals & Weights.” When — about the year 1786 — a housewife went to the manufacturer o furniture she was asked to pay prices like the following for fine pieces:
When the housewife succeeded in storing in her house a lot of such furniture she was eager to give a grand dinner. The expenses for such a meal, in 1761, may be seen from a bill from John Lawrence to Mary Biddle:
But where there was given one such
court dinner there were hundreds of quiet home meals like that of which Ann
Warder told in 1786: “Dined with Anne Giles, daughter to
Friend Clifford, her father and Mother, with Tommy, John and wife, and brother
and sister Warder. First rock fish, next Mock turtle, ducks, ham and boiled
turkey, with plenty of vegetables, and after these were removed, we had
floating island, several kinds of pie with oranges and preserves. When we were
well satisfied, left the men to their pipes and went upstairs to our chat.” Two days later the diarist wrote: “Most of the family busy preparing
for a great dinner, two green turtles having been sent . We concluded to dress
them together here and invite the whole family in . . . We had a black woman to
cook and an elegant entertainment it was — having three tureens of soup, the
two shells baked besides several dishes of stew, with boned turkey, roast
ducks, veal and beef. After these were served the table was filled with two
kinds of jellies and various kinds of puddings, pie and preserves; and then
almonds, raisins, nuts, apples and oranges. Twenty four sat down at the table.
I admired the activity of the lusty cook, who prepared everything herself, and
charged for a day and a half but three dollars.” In the same hospitable home the bill
of fare for a much simpler meal included roast turkey, mashed potatoes, whip’d
sally bubs, oyster pie, boiled leg of pork, bread pudding and tarts. Then
followed “an early dish of tea for the old folks.” In the days of Ann Warder, as to-day,
there was a part of home-making that men did not like as much as they enjoyed
these appetizing meals, though it was just as necessary to the welfare of the
well-ordered home — house cleaning. The very year that Ann Warder wrote her
charming diary a mere man wrote an article for The American Museum in which he
told facetiously of the tearing up of the house that comes inevitably in the
spring: “When a young couple are about to
enter on the matrimonial state, a never-failing article in the marriage treaty
is that the young lady shall have and enjoy the free and unmolested exercise of
the right of whitewashing . . . A young woman would forego the most
advantageous connexion, and even disappoint the warmest wish of her heart,
rather than forego this invaluable right.” The magazine writer then spoke of
the possibility of covering the walls of the house with paper, in order to make
unnecessary much of the spring housecleaning and whitewashing. He said that
though this “cannot abolish, it at least shortens the period of female
dominion.” He explained that “the paper is decorated with flowers of various
fancies and made so ornamental, that the woman has admitted the fashion,
without perceiving the design.” The man who professed to believe
that wall paper was invented to circumvent the housewife, then went on to tell
of a second evidence of the cleanliness of the Philadelphia homemakers: “There is also another cherished custom peculiar to the city of Philadelphia and nearly allied to the former. I mean that of washing the pavement before the doorway every Saturday evening. I at first took this to be a regulation of the police, but, on further enquiry, find it to be a religious rite preparatory to the Sabbath, and is, I believe, the only religious rite in which the numerous sectarians of the city profoundly agree.
“The ceremony begins about sunset,
and continues till about ten or eleven at night. It is very difficult for a
stranger to walk the streets on these evenings. He runs a continual risk of
having a bucket of water thrown against his legs, but a Philadelphian born is
so accustomed to the danger that he avoids it with surprising dexterity. It is
from this circumstance that a Philadelphian is known anywhere by his gait.” But whether this is told in jest or
in earnest, the fact remains that Philadelphia houses have ever been noted for
cleanliness, and the typical homemaker has always been a model of efficiency. |