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FROM every point of view
that was a remarkable group of men who boldly declared at
Cambridge their
resolution to found a state in the new world. Sir Richard Saltonstall
was descended
from a former lord mayor of London and occupied a place of no little
importance
in the England of his time; the ancestors of Thomas Dudley had all been
men
honoured in English history; John Nowell was related to the dean of St.
Paul's
in the reign of Elizabeth; John Humfrey married a daughter of the Earl
of
Lincoln; William Vassall was endowed with a positive genius for trade;
William
Pynchon possessed unusual learning and piety; Isaac Johnson was a man
of very
large wealth and another son-in-law of the Earl of Lincoln, and Thomas
Sharpe,
Michael West, Killam Browne and William Colbron were all English
country gentlemen
of no inconsiderable fortune and of university breeding. But the
greatest man
of the group was, of course, John Winthrop, who had been chosen to
be its
head. And Ins peer in every womanly respect was Margaret, his noble
wife.
As a lad Winthrop had received
a good education and had been admitted in 1602 into Trinity
College,
Cambridge. An early love match prevented him from staying to take his
degree,
however, and when only a youth of eighteen, we find him living at Great
Stambridge in the County of Essex with his first wife's family, —
very wealthy
people for that day and of high standing in the community. Six children
were
born to the happy young pair and then, when the husband and father was
only
twenty-five, he was left a widower. Within a year he was married again,
according to the customs of that period. Then, in another year, this
wife and
her infant child were also committed to the grave. Up to this time
Winthrop's
profession had been that of a. lawyer but these successive and severe
bereavements
made him full of misgivings as to his religious condition and he
seriously
contemplated the abandonment of the law with a view to taking orders as
a
clergyman. His introspection at this stage of his development is
recorded in a
manuscript of "Religious Experiences" which covers a period of three
years and makes intensely interesting reading.
To understand these
"Religious Experiences" and the subsequent life of the man who
wrote
them it is necessary to appreciate the fact that Winthrop came of
intensely
religious parentage. Adam Winthrop, his father, was a man of deep
personal
piety and Anne Winthrop, his mother, could not live happily away
from the
daily inspiration of her Bible, as we see from a letter sent to her
husband
before their son was born. The mingling of love for God with ardent
human
affection which we shall find to be a constant trait in the letters of
her son
is present here also: "I have reseyved, Right deare and
well-beloved," she writes her absent husband, " from you this week a
letter, though short, yet very sweete, which gave me a lively tast of
those
sweete & comfortable wordes, whiche alwayes when you be present
with me,
are wont to flowe most aboundantlye from your loving hart —
where-bye I
perseyve that whether you be present with me or absent from me, you are
ever
one towardes me, & your hart remayneth allwayes with me. Wherefore
layinge
up this perswaision of you in my brest, I will most assuredly be,
the Lord
assistynge me by his grace, beare a1wayes the lyke loving hart unto you
agayne,
untyll suche tyme as I may more fully enjoye your loving presence: but
in the
meane tyme I will remayne as one having a great inheritaunce, or
riche
treasure, and it beinge by force kept from him, or hee beinge in a
strange Contrey,
and cannot enjoye it; longethe contynually after it, sighinge and
sorrowinge
that hee is so long berefte of it, yet rejoyseth that hee hathe so
greatt
tresure pertayninge to him, and hopeth that one day the tyme will come
that hee
shall enjoye it, and have the wholle benyfytt of it. So I having a good
hoope
of the tyme to com, doe more paciently beare the time present, and I
praye send
me word if you be in helthe and what sucesse you have with your
letters.... I
send you this weke by my fathers man a shyrte and fyve payer of
hoses.... I
pray send me a pound of starch by my fathers man. You may very well
send my
byble if it be redye — thus with my verye hartye
commendacions I byd you
farewell comittinge you to almightye God to whom I commend you in my
dayle
prayers as I am sure you doe me, the Lord kep us now & ever Amen
"Your loving wife
"ANNE WINTHROP"
From his mother, then,
Winthrop inherited a nature of quite unusual affectionateness for a man
of his
time and from his father an enduring tendency toward introspection
and stern
self-discipline. His Diary, as frank and often as pathetic as Amiel's,
constantly displays the warring of a passionate tendency with a
consecrated
other-worldliness. "The Love of this present world!" he exclaims in
the course of an exquisite love-letter to the wife from whom his work
has
parted him, "how it bewitches us & steales away our hearts from him
who is the onely life & felicitye. O that we could delight in
Christ our
Lord & heavenly husband as we doe in each other, & that his
absence
were like greivous to us!" Winthrop could leave home and friends, yes,
even his adored Margaret, — to come to a foreign land. But it
would not be easy
for him. The step would be taken in that same frame of mind which his
Diary of
Jan. 1, 1611, reflects when it says: "Beinge admonished by a christian
freinde that some good men were ofended to heare of same gaminge which
was used
in my house by my servants I resolved that as for my selfe not to use
any
cardings etc, so for others to represse it as much as I could, during
the
continuance of my present state, & if God bringe me once more to be
whollye
by my selfe, then to banishe all togither." This resolution is
particularly interesting when placed alongside of the first New England
temperance pledge later fathered by Governor Winthrop.1
When in the
heydey of his youthful vigour (he was then only
twenty-five!) Winthrop wrote, "Finding that the variety of meates
drawes
me on to eate more than standeth with my healthe, I have resolved not
to eate
of more then 2 dishes at any one meale, whither fish, flesh, fowle or
fruite or
whittemeats etc: whither at home or abroade; the lorde give me care
&
abilitie to performe it." A year later when, by the death of his second
wife's father, he had come into considerable wealth and therefore felt
again
keen temptation to selfindulgence he makes twelve resolutions, so
interesting
in the light of his after life that I give them here in full:
"1. I doe resolve to
give myselfe, my life, my witt, my healthe, my wealthe to the service
of my God
and & Savior, who by givinge himselfe for me & to me,
deserves
whatsoever I am or can be, to be at his Comandement & for his
glorye :
"2. I will live where
he appoints me.
"3. I will faithfully
endeavour to discharge that callinge wch he shall appoint me unto.
"4. I will carefully
avoide vaine & needless expences that I may be the more
liberall to good
uses.
"5. My property, &
bounty must goe forthe abroade, yet I must ever be careful that it
beginne at
home.
"6. I will so dispose
of my family affaires as my morning prayers & evening exercises be
not
omitted.
"7. I will have a
speciall care of the good education of my children.
"8. I will banish
profanes from my familye.
"9. I will diligently
observe the Lords Sabaoth bothe for the avoidinge & preventinge
worldly
business, & also for the religious spendinge of such tymes as
are free
from publique exercises, viz. the morninge, noone, & evening.
"10. I will endeavour
to have the morninge free for private prayer, meditation & reading.
"11. I will flee
Idlenes, & much worldly busines.
"12. I will often praye
& conferre privately wth my wife."
Just here seems as good a
place as any to observe that Winthrop was wonderfully fortunate in each
of the
three women whom he successively called "my wife." The bride of
his
youth, the wife of his young manhood, — with whom he lived only
one short year,
— and Margaret, who was his faithful spouse for more than a
quarter of a
century, were all women who could respond richly to the aspirations of
his soul
as well as to the cravings of his heart. Margaret, of course, was
peculiarly
his mate. The daughter of Sir John Tyndal, knight, she it was who made
him what
he now became. "From the day that his faith was plighted to her" as
one sympathetic historian has said... "he learned to step boldly out
among
his equals, to take his share in the world's work."
After his marriage and up to
the time when he engaged upon the New England enterprise Winthrop's
business
was that of an attorney practising in London and on the circuit. This,
naturally, took him much away from Groton where Margaret and his young
children
lived and as a result we find in the correspondence which passed
between Groton
Manor and the " Chamber at the Temple Gate "an almost complete record
of the temporal, spiritual and affectional development of this
remarkable pair.
Tender love-letters, every one of these epistles!" I wish thy
imployments
coulde suffer thee to come home," writes the wife, to which her husband
responds promptly, "such is my love to thee my deare spouse, as were it
not that my imployment did enforce me to it, I could not live
comfortably from
thee halfe thus long.... so I kiss my sweet wife & rest alwayes Thy
faithfull husband
"JOHN WINTHROP"
For a dozen years of this
correspondence there is, however, no thought that Winthrop's
"imployment" would ever be such as to put the ocean between them. He
was not a member of the original Massachusetts Company; one may
search in vain
for his name along with those of Cradock, Saltonstall and Endicott on
the
Massachusetts Charter of March, 1629. But the early summer of that year
found
him thinking very seriously of emigration as one sees between the lines
of a
letter to Margaret dated June 22, 1629. "My comfort is that thou art
willinge to be my companion in what place or condition soever, in weale
or in
woe. Be it what it may, if God be with us we need not feare; his
favour, &
the kingdome of heaven wilbe alike & happiness enough to us &
ours in
all places." Evidently the writer of this felt a crisis to be at hand
both
in the affairs of his country and in his own personal life. But it was
not in
John Winthrop's nature to lightly decide upon any serious step. From
his paper
"General Considerations for the Plantations of New England" it is
plain that he thought carefully and prayerfully upon every phase of the
enterprise.
Then finally it became to
him clear that he had fallen upon disastrous times; that fountains
of learning
in his own country were corrupted; that all arts and trades were
carried on in
such deceitful and unrighteous ways that it was well-nigh impossible
for a good
man to live by any of them; that the land was weary of her inhabitants;
that
man. had become of less importance than beasts, children, — who
ought to have
been considered blessings, — being counted the greatest burdens;
that the
kingdom of anti-christ was increasing; that, in a word, the Lord had
begun to
frown upon England and cut its inhabitants short. To John
Winthrop, therefore,
New England seemed a place provided by God "to be a refuge for many
whome
he meanes to save out of the generall call amity."
His friends, of course, were
not nearly so sure as he was that the new country was beckoning
him and Robert
Ryece, whose advice he asked in the matter, replied in a letter which
is full
of interest because it marshals all the prudent considerations
which. should
have persuaded Winthrop to stay just where he was and let other
people be
pioneers in this difficult and dangerous enterprise. "The Church &
Common welthe heere at home," he begins, "hathe more neede of your
beste abyllytie in these dangerous tymes then any remote
plantation, which may
be performed by persons of leser woorthe & apprehension.... Agyne,
your
owne estate wylbe more secured in the myddest of all accidents heere at
home,
than in this forreine expedition, which discovereth a 1000 shipwrackes
which
may betyde. All your kynsfolkes & moste understandinge friendes
wyll more
rejoyce at your stayenge at home with any condition which God shall
sende, then
to throwe your selfe upon vayne hopes, with many difficulties &
uncertaynties. Agayne, you shalbe more acceptable in the service of the
Hieste,
& more under His protection whiles you walke charely in your
vocation heere
at home, then to goe owte of your vocation, comyttinge your selfe to a
woorlde
of dangers abroade.
"The pype goeth sweete
tyll the byrde be in the nett; many bewtifull hopes ar sett before your
eyes to
allewer you to danger. Plantations ar for yonge men, that can
enduer all
paynes & hunger. Yf in your yewthe you had byn acctuaynted with
navigation,
you mighte have promised your selfe more hope in this longe vyadge, but
for one
of your yeeres [Winthrop was now forty-two] to undertake so large
a taske is
seldome seene but to miscarry. To adventure your wholle famylly upon so
manifeste uncerteynties standeth not with your wysdome & longe
experience.
Lett yonger yeeres take this charge upon them, with the advyse of that
which
elder yeeres shall directe them unto, the losse shalbe the lesse yf
thay myscarry;
but there honor shalbe the more if thay prosper. So long as you sytt at
the
helme, your famylie prospereth, but yf you shoold happen to fayle, your
flocke
woolde be at the least in hazarde, if not totally to myscarrye. Yonge
men
directions thowghe sometymes with some successe, do not all wayes
succeede.
These remote partes will not well agree with your yeeres; whiles you
are heere
you wyll be ever fytter by your understandings & wisdome to supply
there
necessities. But if it shoolde happen that you shoolde gett safely
thither, you
shall soone fynde, how necessitie wyll calle for supplies from these
parts. I
pray you pardon my boldnes, that had rather erre in what I thinke,
then be
sylente in what I shoolde speake. How harde wyll it bee for one
browghte up
among boockes & Learned men, to lyve in a barbarous place, where is
no
learnynge & lesse cyvillytie...."
This counsel of prudent
cowardice was written just a fortnight before the memorable
compact at
Cambridge. But it did not deter Winthrop from signing that brave
Agreement.
For, in the meantime his son, — that John Winthrop who was
afterwards renowned
as Governor of Connecticut, — returned from a
protracted journey in foreign
lands and heartened him with these words: "For the business of New
England, I can say no other thing, but that I believe confidently, that
the
whole disposition thereof is of the Lord.... And for myself, I
have seen so
much of the vanity of the world, that I esteem no more of the
diversities of
countries, than as so many inns, whereof the traveller that hath lodged
in the
best or in the worst, findeth no difference, when he cometh to his
journey's
end; and I shall call that my country, where I may most glorify God,
and enjoy
the presence of my dearest friends. Therefore, herein I submit myself
to God's
will and yours, and with your leave, do dedicate myself ... to the
service of
God and the Company...."
Best of all the gentle
Margaret did not fail her husband in this hour of need. Letters full of
cheer
and sympathy found their way to him from Groton Manor and in them all
she expressed
conviction that the good Lord would "certainly bless us in our intended
purpose." His tender appreciation of her pluck is reflected in all the
letters he sent her during the months preceding his departure. "I must
now
begin to prepare thee for our long parting, which grow very near," he
writes early in January, 1629. "I know not how to deal with thee by
arguments; for if thou wert as wise and patient as ever woman was, yet
it must
needs be a great trial to thee and the greater because I am so dear to
thee;" and then he goes on to point out that she must find her comfort
in
religion, as where else could she find it, poor thing! when the husband
with
whose soul hers was peculiarly knit was for venturing to a foreign
land,
leaving her behind. Her replies to his brave attempts at consolation
are indeed
touching, and immensely pathetic also are his answers. He has, been
arranging
to leave with friends fifteen hundred pounds for her support until she
should
be able to follow him to the New World and now he writes, "MY SWEET
WIFE,
The Lord hath oft brought us together with comfort, when we have been
long
absent; and if it be good for us he will do so still. When I was in
Ireland he
brought us together again. When I was sick here in London he
restored us
together again. How many dangers, near death, hast thou been in
thyself! and
yet the Lord hath granted me to enjoy thee still. If he did not watch
over us
we need not go over sea to seek death or misery: we should meet it at
every
step, in every journey. And is not he a God abroad as well as at home?
Is not
his power and providense the same in New England as it hath been
in Old
England?... My good wife, trust in the Lord, whom thou hast found
faithful. He
will be better to thee than any husband and will restore thee thy
husband with
advantage. But I kiss my sweet wife and bless thee and all ours and
rest Thine
ever Jo. WINTHROP
February 14, 1629 — Thou
must be my valentine... "
The picture of him whom we
are wont to call "the stern John Winthrop" remembering, even in the
midst of hurried and troubled preparations to embark for the New
World woman's
perennial sentiment concerning such festivals as St. Valentine's Pay is
so
striking as to be worth bearing in mind. And when we have placed
alongside of
it the series of farewell letters sent to his wife from Cowes and
the Isle of
Wight where the ships were detained by bad weather, we have a complete
comprehension
of one side of the man's character. "Mondays and Fridays, at five of
the
clock at night, we shall meet in spirit till we meet in person," he
promises her. Shakespeare, not long before, had put the same thought
into the
mouth of Imogen, when, on having parted with Posthumus, she complains
that they
had been torn apart
"Ere I could tell him, How would I think on him, at certain houre, Such thoughts, and such; ...or have charged him, At the sixth hour of morn, at noon, at midnight, To encounter me with orisons; for then I am in heaven for him." |
But Posthumus, as Robert C.
Winthrop, the editor of his Progenitor's remarkable letters, points
out, was not
in his forty-third year, as
was the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony; nor Imogen in her
thirty-ninth. More-over, one can scarcely fancy either of
Shakespeare's lovers
admitting, as Winthrop does in one of the first New England letters
which he
sent his wife, "I own with sorrow that much business hath made me too
often forget Mondays and Fridays."
___________________
1
see p. 9 "Old New
England Inns."